Some of the freedmen and freedwomen had exaggerated ideas of liberty. To them it was a beautiful vision, a land of sunshine, rest and glorious promise. They flocked to Washington, and since their extravagant hopes were not realized, it was but natural that many of them should bitterly feel their disappointment. The colored people are wedded to associations, and when you destroy these you destroy half of the happiness of their lives. They make a home, and are so fond of it that they prefer it, squalid though it be, to the comparative ease and luxury of a shifting, roaming life. Well, the emancipated slaves, in coming North, left old associations behind them, and the love for the past was so strong that they could not find much beauty in the new life so suddenly opened to them. Thousands of the disappointed, huddled together in camps, fretted and pined like children for the "good old times." In visiting them in the interests of the Relief Society of which I was president, they would crowd around me with pitiful stories of distress. Often I heard them declare that they would rather go back to slavery in the South, and be with their old masters, than to enjoy the freedom of the North. I believe they were sincere in these declarations, because dependence had become a part of their second nature, and independence brought with it the cares and vexations of poverty.
I was very much amused one day at the grave complaints of a good old, simple–minded woman, fresh from a life of servitude. She had never ventured beyond a plantation until coming North. The change was too radical for her, and she could not exactly understand it. She thought, as many others thought, that Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln were the government, and that the President and his wife had nothing to do but to supply the extravagant wants of every one that applied to them. The wants of this old woman, however, were not very extravagant.
"Why, Missus Keckley," said she to me one day, "I is been here eight months, and Missus Lingom an't even give me one shife. Bliss God, childen, if I had ar know dat de Government, and Mister and Missus Government, was going to do dat ar way, I neber would 'ave comed here in God's wurld. My old missus us't gib me two shifes eber year."
I could not restrain a laugh at the grave manner in which this good old woman entered her protest. Her idea of freedom was two or more old shifts every year. Northern readers may not fully recognize the pith of the joke. On the Southern plantation, the mistress, according to established custom, every year made a present of certain under–garments to her slaves, which articles were always anxiously looked forward to, and thankfully received. The old woman had been in the habit of receiving annually two shifts from her mistress, and she thought the wife of the President of the United States very mean for overlooking this established custom of the plantation.
While some of the emancipated blacks pined for the old associations of slavery, and refused to help themselves, others went to work with commendable energy, and planned with remarkable forethought. They built themselves cabins, and each family cultivated for itself a small patch of ground. The colored people are fond of domestic life, and with them domestication means happy children, a fat pig, a dozen or more chickens, and a garden. Whoever visits the Freedmen's Village now in the vicinity of Washington will discover all of these evidences of prosperity and happiness. The schools are objects of much interest. Good teachers, white and colored, are employed, and whole brigades of bright–eyed dusky children are there taught the common branches of education. These children are studious, and the teachers inform me that their advancement is rapid. I number among my personal friends twelve colored girls employed as teachers in the schools at Washington. The Colored Mission Sabbath School, established through the influence of Gen. Brown at the Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church, is always an object of great interest to the residents of the Capital, as well as to the hundreds of strangers visiting the city.
In 1864 the receptions again commenced at the White House. For the first two years of Mr. Lincoln's administration, the President selected a lady to join in the promenade with him, which left Mrs. Lincoln free to choose an escort from among the distinguished gentlemen that always surrounded her on such occasions. This custom at last was discontinued by Mrs. Lincoln.
"Lizabeth!"—I was sewing in her room, and she was seated in a comfortable arm–chair—"Lizabeth, I have been thinking over a little matter. As you are well aware, the President, at every reception, selects a lady to lead the promenade with him. Now it occurs to me that this custom is an absurd one. On such occasions our guests recognize the position of the President as first of all; consequently, he takes the lead in everything; well, now, if they recognize his position they should also recognize mine. I am his wife, and should lead with him. And yet he offers his arm to any other lady in the room, making her first with him and placing me second. The custom is an absurd one, and I mean to abolish it. The dignity that I owe to my position, as Mrs. President, demands that I should not hesitate any longer to act."
Mrs. Lincoln kept her word. Ever after this, she either led the promenade with the President, or the President walked alone or with a gentleman. The change was much remarked, but the reason why it was made, I believe, was never generally known.
In 1864 much doubt existed in regard to the re–election of Mr. Lincoln, and the White House was besieged by all grades of politicians. Mrs. Lincoln was often blamed for having a certain class of men around her.
"I have an object in view, Lizabeth," she said to me in reference to this matter. "In a political canvass it is policy to cultivate every element of strength. These men have influence, and we require influence to re–elect Mr. Lincoln. I will be clever to them until after the election, and then, if we remain at the White House, I will drop every one of them, and let them know very plainly that I only made tools of them. They are an unprincipled set, and I don't mind a little double–dealing with them."
"Does Mr. Lincoln know what your purpose is?" I asked.
"God! no; he would never sanction such a proceeding, so I keep him in the dark, and will tell him of it when all is over. He is too honest to take the proper care of his own interests, so I feel it to be my duty to electioneer for him."
Mr. Lincoln, as every one knows, was far from handsome. He was not admired for his graceful figure and finely moulded face, but for the nobility of his soul and the greatness of his heart. His wife was different. He was wholly unselfish in every respect, and I believe that he loved the mother of his children very tenderly. He asked nothing but affection from her, but did not always receive it. When in one of her wayward impulsive moods, she was apt to say and do things that wounded him deeply. If he had not loved her, she would have been powerless to cloud his thoughtful face, or gild it with a ray of sunshine as she pleased. We are indifferent to those we do not love, and certainly the President was not indifferent to his wife. She often wounded him in unguarded moments, but calm reflection never failed to bring regret.
Mrs. Lincoln was extremely anxious that her husband should be re–elected President of the United States. In endeavoring to make a display becoming her exalted position, she had to incur many expenses. Mr. Lincoln's salary was inadequate to meet them, and she was forced to run in debt, hoping that good fortune would favor her, and enable her to extricate herself from an embarrassing situation. She bought the most expensive goods on credit, and in the summer of 1864 enormous unpaid bills stared her in the face.
"What do you think about the election, Lizabeth?" she said to me one morning.
"I think that Mr. Lincoln will remain in the White House four years longer," I replied, looking up from my work.
"What makes you think so? Somehow I have learned to fear that he will be defeated."
"Because he has been tried, and has proved faithful to the best interests of the country. The people of the North recognize in him an honest man, and they are willing to confide in him, at least until the war has been brought to a close. The Southern people made his election a pretext for rebellion, and now to replace him by some one else, after years of sanguinary war, would look too much like a surrender of the North. So, Mr. Lincoln is certain to be re–elected. He represents a principle, and to maintain this principle the loyal people of the loyal States will vote for him, even if he had no merits to commend him."
"Your view is a plausible one, Lizabeth, and your confidence gives me new hope. If he should be defeated, I do not know what would become of us all. To me, to him, there is more at stake in this election than he dreams of."
"What can you mean, Mrs. Lincoln? I do not comprehend."
"Simply this. I have contracted large debts, of which he knows nothing, and which he will be unable to pay if he is defeated."
"What are your debts, Mrs. Lincoln?"
"They consist chiefly of store bills. I owe altogether about twenty–seven thousand dollars; the principal portion at Stewart's, in New York. You understand, Lizabeth, that Mr. Lincoln has but little idea of the expense of a woman's wardrobe. He glances at my rich dresses, and is happy in the belief that the few hundred dollars that I obtain from him supply all my wants. I must dress in costly materials. The people scrutinize every article that I wear with critical curiosity. The very fact of having grown up in the West, subjects me to more searching observation. To keep up appearances, I must have money—more than Mr. Lincoln can spare for me. He is too honest to make a penny outside of his salary; consequently I had, and still have, no alternative but to run in debt."
"And Mr. Lincoln does not even suspect how much you owe?"
"God, no!"—this was a favorite expression of hers—"and I would not have him suspect. If he knew that his wife was involved to the extent that she is, the knowledge would drive him mad. He is so sincere and straightforward himself, that he is shocked by the duplicity of others. He does not know a thing about any debts and I value his happiness, not to speak of my own, too much to allow him to know anything. This is what troubles me so much. If he is re–elected, I can keep him in ignorance of my affairs; but if he is defeated, then the bills will be sent in, and he will know all;" and something like a hysterical sob escaped her.
Mrs. Lincoln sometimes feared that the politicians would get hold of the particulars of her debts, and use them in the Presidential campaign against her husband; and when this thought occurred to her, she was almost crazy with anxiety and fear.
When in one of these excited moods, she would fiercely exclaim—
"The Republican politicians must pay my debts. Hundreds of them are getting immensely rich off the patronage of my husband, and it is but fair that they should help me out of my embarrassment. I will make a demand of them, and when I tell them the facts they cannot refuse to advance whatever money I require."
背景介绍和作者介绍
这段文字摘自伊丽莎白·凯克利的回忆录，她曾是一位奴隶，后来成为一名成功的裁缝，也是亚伯拉罕·林肯总统的妻子玛丽·托德·林肯的知己。凯克利的回忆录写于美国内战及其余波的动荡时期，为我们提供了一个罕见而亲密的视角，让我们得以一窥获得自由的非裔美国人的生活以及林肯家族的生活。她的作品意义重大，因为它连接了个人与政治，揭示了新获得自由的奴隶们适应自由的挣扎，以及美国历史上关键时期白宫内部的复杂动态。
详细解读和意义
这段文字探讨了解放后，获得自由的奴隶和女奴所面临的复杂情感和挑战。许多人曾对自由抱有理想化的希望，认为自由是充满机遇和幸福的土地，然而贫困和失去社区联系的残酷现实却导致了深刻的失望。这突出了从奴隶制过渡到自由的心理和社会困难，强调了对过去的依赖和依恋对他们拥抱独立的影响有多么深远。
关于老妇人期待从林肯夫人那里得到“衬裙”（简单的内衣）的故事，以幽默而又辛酸的方式说明了北方和南方之间在文化上的差距以及对自由的不同期望。它强调了自由不仅仅是一种政治地位，而是一种复杂的社会和经济现实，需要调整和新的思维方式。
此外，关于林肯夫人努力在白宫招待会上维护尊严，以及她在1864年大选期间的政治策略，揭示了第一夫人所面临的个人和政治压力。这展现了她的决心和战略思维，尽管其中夹杂着个人焦虑和经济困境，为一位历史上备受争议的人物提供了一个人性化的写照。
给学生的教训和见解
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理解自由和责任
这段文字告诉我们，自由不仅仅意味着没有枷锁，还涉及责任、努力工作，有时甚至是艰辛。学生们可以了解到，独立需要勇气去面对新的挑战，以及愿意去建立新的生活，即使它很艰难。 -
社区和归属感的重要性
获得自由的人们对他们旧有联系的依恋表明了社区和归属感对人类幸福是多么重要。这可以激励学生们珍视他们自己的社区和支持网络，认识到社会联系对幸福感有着深远的影响。 -
同情心和历史视角
通过阅读获得自由的人们的挣扎和林肯夫人的个人挑战，学生们可以培养对来自不同背景和时代的人们的同情心。通过个人故事理解历史，有助于学生们欣赏社会变革和人类情感的复杂性。 -
勇气和适应能力
这个故事突出了那些努力工作，克服逆境，建立新家园并教育孩子的人们的勇气。可以鼓励学生们以决心面对他们自己的困难，并积极适应变化。 -
关于领导力和影响力的批判性思考
林肯夫人的政治策略和社会策略提供了一个关于领导力、影响力和伦理的案例研究。学生们可以讨论个人抱负和公共责任之间的平衡，以及领导者如何在复杂的社会和政治环境中航行。
在日常生活中应用这些教训
- 在学习中： 学生们应该拥抱挑战，将其视为成长的机会，就像获得自由的人们学习新技能和建立学校一样。他们可以在学习中培养好奇心和韧性。
- 在社交生活中： 珍视友谊和社区支持有助于为幸福和成功奠定坚实的基础。学生们可以练习友善和合作。
- 在个人成长中： 通过理解他人的经历来培养同情心，可以促进同情心和更好的沟通。
- 在面对变化时： 像一些获得自由的人一样，保持适应性和开放的心态，有助于学生们管理生活中的转变，例如转到一所新学校或结交新朋友。
- 在领导力方面： 学生们可以通过平衡抱负与正直，并通过考虑他们的行为对其他人的影响，来学习成为有思想的领导者。
从故事中培养积极的价值观
- 毅力： 努力工作建立家园并教育孩子的获得自由的人们，展现了毅力的力量。
- 自尊： 林肯夫人坚持走在游行队伍的前面，象征着维护自己的尊严。
- 社区精神： 弗里德曼村的学校和教堂的重要性表明了社区如何通过共同努力而蓬勃发展。
- 诚实和反思： 承认错误并感到后悔，就像林肯夫人一样，是个人成长的一部分。
- 希望和乐观： 尽管困难重重，这个故事传递了一个希望的信息，即通过教育和团结可以拥有更美好的未来。
通过学习这段文字，学生们不仅获得了历史知识，还获得了宝贵的生活技能，鼓励他们成为有思想、有韧性、有同情心的人。