Some of the freedmen and freedwomen had exaggerated ideas of liberty. To them it was a beautiful vision, a land of sunshine, rest and glorious promise. They flocked to Washington, and since their extravagant hopes were not realized, it was but natural that many of them should bitterly feel their disappointment. The colored people are wedded to associations, and when you destroy these you destroy half of the happiness of their lives. They make a home, and are so fond of it that they prefer it, squalid though it be, to the comparative ease and luxury of a shifting, roaming life. Well, the emancipated slaves, in coming North, left old associations behind them, and the love for the past was so strong that they could not find much beauty in the new life so suddenly opened to them. Thousands of the disappointed, huddled together in camps, fretted and pined like children for the "good old times." In visiting them in the interests of the Relief Society of which I was president, they would crowd around me with pitiful stories of distress. Often I heard them declare that they would rather go back to slavery in the South, and be with their old masters, than to enjoy the freedom of the North. I believe they were sincere in these declarations, because dependence had become a part of their second nature, and independence brought with it the cares and vexations of poverty.
I was very much amused one day at the grave complaints of a good old, simple–minded woman, fresh from a life of servitude. She had never ventured beyond a plantation until coming North. The change was too radical for her, and she could not exactly understand it. She thought, as many others thought, that Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln were the government, and that the President and his wife had nothing to do but to supply the extravagant wants of every one that applied to them. The wants of this old woman, however, were not very extravagant.
"Why, Missus Keckley," said she to me one day, "I is been here eight months, and Missus Lingom an't even give me one shife. Bliss God, childen, if I had ar know dat de Government, and Mister and Missus Government, was going to do dat ar way, I neber would 'ave comed here in God's wurld. My old missus us't gib me two shifes eber year."
I could not restrain a laugh at the grave manner in which this good old woman entered her protest. Her idea of freedom was two or more old shifts every year. Northern readers may not fully recognize the pith of the joke. On the Southern plantation, the mistress, according to established custom, every year made a present of certain under–garments to her slaves, which articles were always anxiously looked forward to, and thankfully received. The old woman had been in the habit of receiving annually two shifts from her mistress, and she thought the wife of the President of the United States very mean for overlooking this established custom of the plantation.
While some of the emancipated blacks pined for the old associations of slavery, and refused to help themselves, others went to work with commendable energy, and planned with remarkable forethought. They built themselves cabins, and each family cultivated for itself a small patch of ground. The colored people are fond of domestic life, and with them domestication means happy children, a fat pig, a dozen or more chickens, and a garden. Whoever visits the Freedmen's Village now in the vicinity of Washington will discover all of these evidences of prosperity and happiness. The schools are objects of much interest. Good teachers, white and colored, are employed, and whole brigades of bright–eyed dusky children are there taught the common branches of education. These children are studious, and the teachers inform me that their advancement is rapid. I number among my personal friends twelve colored girls employed as teachers in the schools at Washington. The Colored Mission Sabbath School, established through the influence of Gen. Brown at the Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church, is always an object of great interest to the residents of the Capital, as well as to the hundreds of strangers visiting the city.
In 1864 the receptions again commenced at the White House. For the first two years of Mr. Lincoln's administration, the President selected a lady to join in the promenade with him, which left Mrs. Lincoln free to choose an escort from among the distinguished gentlemen that always surrounded her on such occasions. This custom at last was discontinued by Mrs. Lincoln.
"Lizabeth!"—I was sewing in her room, and she was seated in a comfortable arm–chair—"Lizabeth, I have been thinking over a little matter. As you are well aware, the President, at every reception, selects a lady to lead the promenade with him. Now it occurs to me that this custom is an absurd one. On such occasions our guests recognize the position of the President as first of all; consequently, he takes the lead in everything; well, now, if they recognize his position they should also recognize mine. I am his wife, and should lead with him. And yet he offers his arm to any other lady in the room, making her first with him and placing me second. The custom is an absurd one, and I mean to abolish it. The dignity that I owe to my position, as Mrs. President, demands that I should not hesitate any longer to act."
Mrs. Lincoln kept her word. Ever after this, she either led the promenade with the President, or the President walked alone or with a gentleman. The change was much remarked, but the reason why it was made, I believe, was never generally known.
In 1864 much doubt existed in regard to the re–election of Mr. Lincoln, and the White House was besieged by all grades of politicians. Mrs. Lincoln was often blamed for having a certain class of men around her.
"I have an object in view, Lizabeth," she said to me in reference to this matter. "In a political canvass it is policy to cultivate every element of strength. These men have influence, and we require influence to re–elect Mr. Lincoln. I will be clever to them until after the election, and then, if we remain at the White House, I will drop every one of them, and let them know very plainly that I only made tools of them. They are an unprincipled set, and I don't mind a little double–dealing with them."
"Does Mr. Lincoln know what your purpose is?" I asked.
"God! no; he would never sanction such a proceeding, so I keep him in the dark, and will tell him of it when all is over. He is too honest to take the proper care of his own interests, so I feel it to be my duty to electioneer for him."
Mr. Lincoln, as every one knows, was far from handsome. He was not admired for his graceful figure and finely moulded face, but for the nobility of his soul and the greatness of his heart. His wife was different. He was wholly unselfish in every respect, and I believe that he loved the mother of his children very tenderly. He asked nothing but affection from her, but did not always receive it. When in one of her wayward impulsive moods, she was apt to say and do things that wounded him deeply. If he had not loved her, she would have been powerless to cloud his thoughtful face, or gild it with a ray of sunshine as she pleased. We are indifferent to those we do not love, and certainly the President was not indifferent to his wife. She often wounded him in unguarded moments, but calm reflection never failed to bring regret.
Mrs. Lincoln was extremely anxious that her husband should be re–elected President of the United States. In endeavoring to make a display becoming her exalted position, she had to incur many expenses. Mr. Lincoln's salary was inadequate to meet them, and she was forced to run in debt, hoping that good fortune would favor her, and enable her to extricate herself from an embarrassing situation. She bought the most expensive goods on credit, and in the summer of 1864 enormous unpaid bills stared her in the face.
"What do you think about the election, Lizabeth?" she said to me one morning.
"I think that Mr. Lincoln will remain in the White House four years longer," I replied, looking up from my work.
"What makes you think so? Somehow I have learned to fear that he will be defeated."
"Because he has been tried, and has proved faithful to the best interests of the country. The people of the North recognize in him an honest man, and they are willing to confide in him, at least until the war has been brought to a close. The Southern people made his election a pretext for rebellion, and now to replace him by some one else, after years of sanguinary war, would look too much like a surrender of the North. So, Mr. Lincoln is certain to be re–elected. He represents a principle, and to maintain this principle the loyal people of the loyal States will vote for him, even if he had no merits to commend him."
"Your view is a plausible one, Lizabeth, and your confidence gives me new hope. If he should be defeated, I do not know what would become of us all. To me, to him, there is more at stake in this election than he dreams of."
"What can you mean, Mrs. Lincoln? I do not comprehend."
"Simply this. I have contracted large debts, of which he knows nothing, and which he will be unable to pay if he is defeated."
"What are your debts, Mrs. Lincoln?"
"They consist chiefly of store bills. I owe altogether about twenty–seven thousand dollars; the principal portion at Stewart's, in New York. You understand, Lizabeth, that Mr. Lincoln has but little idea of the expense of a woman's wardrobe. He glances at my rich dresses, and is happy in the belief that the few hundred dollars that I obtain from him supply all my wants. I must dress in costly materials. The people scrutinize every article that I wear with critical curiosity. The very fact of having grown up in the West, subjects me to more searching observation. To keep up appearances, I must have money—more than Mr. Lincoln can spare for me. He is too honest to make a penny outside of his salary; consequently I had, and still have, no alternative but to run in debt."
"And Mr. Lincoln does not even suspect how much you owe?"
"God, no!"—this was a favorite expression of hers—"and I would not have him suspect. If he knew that his wife was involved to the extent that she is, the knowledge would drive him mad. He is so sincere and straightforward himself, that he is shocked by the duplicity of others. He does not know a thing about any debts and I value his happiness, not to speak of my own, too much to allow him to know anything. This is what troubles me so much. If he is re–elected, I can keep him in ignorance of my affairs; but if he is defeated, then the bills will be sent in, and he will know all;" and something like a hysterical sob escaped her.
Mrs. Lincoln sometimes feared that the politicians would get hold of the particulars of her debts, and use them in the Presidential campaign against her husband; and when this thought occurred to her, she was almost crazy with anxiety and fear.
When in one of these excited moods, she would fiercely exclaim—
"The Republican politicians must pay my debts. Hundreds of them are getting immensely rich off the patronage of my husband, and it is but fair that they should help me out of my embarrassment. I will make a demand of them, and when I tell them the facts they cannot refuse to advance whatever money I require."
背景和作者介紹
這段文字摘自伊麗莎白·凱克利的回憶錄，她是一位前奴隸，後來成為成功的裁縫，也是瑪麗·托德·林肯（亞伯拉罕·林肯總統的妻子）的知己。凱克利的回憶錄寫於美國內戰及其後動盪時期，提供了對獲得自由的非裔美國人和林肯家族生活的罕見而親密的見解。她的作品意義重大，因为它连接了个人和政治，揭示了新解放的奴隶适应自由的斗争，以及美国历史上关键时期白宫内部的复杂动态。
詳細闡釋和意義
這段文字探討了解放後，獲得自由的男女所面臨的複雜情感和挑戰。許多人對自由抱有理想的希望，認為自由是充滿機遇和幸福的土地，然而貧困和失去社區聯繫的殘酷現實導致了深刻的失望。這突出了從奴隸制過渡到自由的心理和社會困難，強調了對過去依賴和依戀的根深蒂固，如何影響他們擁抱獨立的能力。
老婦人期望從林肯夫人那裡得到“襯裙”（簡單的內衣）的故事，以幽默而辛辣的方式說明了北方和南方之間在自由方面的文化差異和不同的期望。它強調了自由不僅僅是一種政治地位，而是一種複雜的社會和經濟現實，需要調整和新的思維方式。
此外，關於林肯夫人努力在白宮招待會上維護她的尊嚴，以及她在 1864 年大選期間的政治策略，揭示了第一夫人所面臨的個人和政治壓力。它展示了她的決心和戰略思維，儘管夾雜著個人焦慮和經濟困境，但卻描繪了一個歷史上備受爭議的人物的人性化形象。
給學生的教訓和見解
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理解自由和責任
這段文字告訴我們，自由不僅僅是沒有枷鎖，還涉及責任、努力工作，有時甚至是艱辛。學生可以了解到，獨立需要勇氣去面對新的挑戰，以及願意建立新的生活，即使它很困難。 -
社區和歸屬感的重要性
獲得自由的人對他們舊的聯繫的依戀表明了社區和歸屬感對人類幸福的重要性。這可以激勵學生珍惜自己的社區和支持網絡，認識到社會聯繫深深地影響著幸福感。 -
同情心和歷史觀點
通過閱讀獲得自由的人的掙扎和林肯夫人的個人挑戰，學生可以培養對來自不同背景和時代的人的同情心。通過個人故事理解歷史，可以幫助學生欣賞社會變革和人類情感的複雜性。 -
勇氣和適應能力
這個故事突出了那些努力工作，儘管逆境重重，但仍努力建造新家園和教育孩子的人們的勇氣。可以鼓勵學生以決心面對自己的困難，並積極適應變化。 -
關於領導力和影響力的批判性思考
林肯夫人的政治策略和社會策略提供了一個關於領導力、影響力和道德的案例研究。學生可以討論個人抱負和公共責任之間的平衡，以及領導者如何在複雜的社會和政治環境中導航。
將這些教訓應用於日常生活
- 在學習中： 學生應該將挑戰視為成長的機會，就像獲得自由的人學習新技能和建立學校一樣。他們可以在學習中培養好奇心和韌性。
- 在社交生活中： 珍惜友誼和社區支持有助於為幸福和成功奠定堅實的基礎。學生可以練習友善和合作。
- 在個人成長中： 通過理解他人的經歷來培養同情心，可以促進同情心和更好的溝通。
- 在面對變化時： 像一些獲得自由的人一樣，保持適應性和開放的心態，可以幫助學生管理生活中的過渡，例如轉到一所新學校或結交新朋友。
- 在領導力方面： 學生可以通過平衡抱負與正直，並考慮他們的行為對他人的影響，來學習成為有思想的領導者。
從故事中培養積極的價值觀
- 毅力： 那些努力工作建造家園和教育孩子的獲得自由的人，展示了毅力的力量。
- 自尊： 林肯夫人堅持要帶領遊行，象徵著維護自己的尊嚴。
- 社區精神： 弗里德曼村的學校和教堂的重要性表明了社區如何通過共同努力而蓬勃發展。
- 誠實和反思： 像林肯夫人一樣，認識到錯誤並感到後悔是個人成長的一部分。
- 希望和樂觀： 儘管困難重重，這個故事仍然傳達了通過教育和團結走向更美好未來的希望。
通過學習這段文字，學生可以獲得歷史知識和寶貴的生活技能，鼓勵他們成為有思想、有韌性和富有同情心的人。